Populist Quotes

Here, we’ve compiled a list of the best Populist Quotes from famous persons: Mike Cernovich, Ross Douthat, Rick Wilson, Harry Enfield, Barkha Dutt. The wide variety of quotes available makes it possible to find a quote to suit your needs. You’ve likely heard some of the Populist Quotes before, but that’s because they truly are great.

I think Trump had this general populist agenda but has not been particularly adept at using the levers of power in Washington.
American populism is no stranger to our political life. From the earliest anti-Federalists to William Jennings Bryan, Huey Long, and George Wallace, and many in between, we’ve sampled the populist temptation, often in times of national distress and dislocation.
Our sense of humour is complementary. I’m populist; and Paul‘s more sophisticated.
Hindi news is much more determinedly populist and lowbrow than the English channels.
Trump might have a populist message that resonates with some voters, but the man doesn’t care about any of the people he’s appealing to.
I believe that the Conservative party is at its best when it’s a pro-business, pragmatic party, so to appeal to the country, and the country loses out significantly if the centre right of politics becomes much more populist, nationalist, and more right of centre.
Northeastern conservatism is moderate, accepts the modern welfare state, and dislikes mixing religion with politics. Western conservatism is hawkish, hates government, and embraces individual freedom. Southern conservatism is populist, draws on evangelical Christianity, and plays upon racial resentments.
America is always a good target for a populist. In many countries, particularly authoritarian systems, if you want to get an extra bonus, you bash the Americans.
Populist promises to reverse every tough decision are nothing but empty rhetoric, irresponsible leadership, and bad politics. They are not the solution to Ireland‘s problems.
I don’t know if I’m a populist artist, but I do try to maintain a spirit of generosity.
Fred Tomaselli
I won‘t dispute that bankersprivileged treatment in the 2008 crash merits populist scorn. But unfortunately, without a bank bailout, there probably would have been a worldwide depression.
The normalization of Trump is one indicator that there may be less to the populist insurrection than imagined.
Authoritarians have always been here. But the features of a given moment make that way of thinking more or less appealing. Germany in the 1920s, when people are starving, suddenly makes ‘populist’ answers and scapegoating different groups as the source of the problem much more appealing.
Limbaugh can rightly be said to be the greatest populist expositor of conservatism in America since Reagan, and the link between the Reagan generation and the so-called Rush Babies.
If someone thinks the course of Italian politics will become anti-European, against an open society, against trade, or populist, as they say today, the facts will prove them wrong.
Paolo Gentiloni
When it comes to explaining the phenomenon of right-wing populism, liberals are likely to argue both that the populist era has exposed a darkness always present at the heart of conservative politics and that a toxic, post-truth new-media ecosystem has greased the skids for President Trump, Brexit and the rest.
Abolish the monarchy. That is my populist take.
I come from a working class community in eastern Scotland, and I’ve always been a populist, though not a patronising populist.
I do not think it is a coincidence that young people gravitated toward populist voices in the French election and that the two issue positions where Donald Trump and young voters seem to agree mostglobal engagement and trade – are rooted in populism.
We are doing politics differentlysmart, populist, political movement.
All previous populist movements were demanding things from governments, whereas the Tea Party is saying, ‘Give us less, go away.’ That’s heartening to see.
Governments can’t escape from taking tough steps. One can’t be populist about it. You can’t flirt with such serious issues like security.
You see in times of crisis that extremist forces, populist forces, have a better ground to oversimplify things and to manipulate feelings. Feelings of fear.
Simply because something is a populist movement doesn’t make it either good or bad.
Koizumi was not rooted in Japan‘s rightwing nationalist tradition: he was a pragmatist and a populist. Abe, in contrast, is a rightwing nationalist. Unlike Koizumi, for example, he has questioned the validity of the postwar Tokyo trials of Japan’s wartime leaders, which found many of them guilty of war crimes.
The forces that have worked hard to stoke populist anger against reform are the very ones that benefit from a health system which puts profits ahead of quality care for its patients.
Jerrold Nadler
I think it’s always hard for people to get their head around the fact that populist, commercial films can also actually be great works of art.
Much of the media failed to anticipate the potential Trump represented as a disruptive populist force, understand why his supporters trusted him, or offer honest reporting on the underlying trends that made his rise possible.
Coming from Buffalo, N.Y., I recognize the distinct difference between inside-the-Beltway conservatives and lake-shore conservatives. It’s populist conservatism.
I think Mitch McConnell and, to a degree, Paul Ryan – they do not want Donald Trump’s populist, economic nationalist agenda to be implemented. It’s very obvious.
I think the rise of progressives is the biggest storyline there is, whether it’s Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or Kara Eastman or Randy Bryce, Richard Ojeda – real populist progressives that are willing to actually fight for the progressive message rather than the lukewarm establishment Democrats.
As with fascism, the rise of Islamic totalitarianism has partly to do with its populist appeal to the class resentments of an economically oppressed population and to anger at political subordination and humiliation.
Ellen Willis
In truth, the ‘populist anger’ fueling Trump’s coalition is fundamentally different from Sanders’ ‘progressive populism.’ The superficial similarities between the two end when they talk about solutions.
If I had chosen the populist course, it would have been a breach of the trust placed in me by the people.
The thing is, it’s much easier to be a rightwing populist than a leftwing one, because the left always have to explain why things are the way they are. The right can just blame the foreigners.
Beating up on the so-called elite media has a nice populist ring to it.
Even some of my Republican friends say I have a populist, progressive streak. I am not a doctrinaire, anti-government person.
A willingness by politicians to say what they think the public want to hear, and a willingness by large parts of the public to believe what they are told by populist politicians, has led to a deterioration in our public discourse.
Paralysis in decision-making breeds frustration and contempt from the electorate, and provides the perfect seedbed for demagogues who fill the vacuum with populist simplicities, hatred of opposition and lies.
American populist politics has a long tradition, from Andrew Jackson to Huey Long to Joseph McCarthy. But the politician Trump is most like could be George Wallace.
I’ve never really considered myself just a street artist. I consider myself a populist.
Folk music usually has an emphasis on the lyrics and melody. And those lyrics are usually relevant in some way. And it’s populist in scope, which is also true of Bad Religion. So it’s more meant to draw some parallels between the two. And I think even my voice and my delivery can be thought of as a little bit folky.
Donald Trump harnessed the America First, Make America Great Again, populist, economic nationalist movement we now call Trumpism, but he did not invent it. He just was the only person resilient enough and impervious enough to elite opinion to force through its successful policies in the face of ferocious resistance.
I like to think that I’m a populist entertainer, but I’m a little bit idiosyncratic, and sometimes the networks wouldn’t really roll with that.
The Republican party is changing. It’s becoming more populist.
Political tags – such as royalist, communist, democrat, populist, fascist, liberal, conservative, and so forth – are never basic criteria. The human race divides politically into those who want people to be controlled and those who have no such desire.
In the wake of a Trump victory, the Democratic Party is tacking to the left in an attempt to harness the populist message that put Trump in the White House.
When elections are not democratic, even the most populist discussions become superficial, disconnected from real power; they are theatre.
I’ve always seen myself as a populist filmmaker.
Nigel Farage, the leader of the U.K. Independence Party, is a true populist; Senator Bernie Sanders, the former U.S. presidential candidate who campaigned for Hillary Clinton after losing his battle for the Democratic Party’s nomination, is not.
I’ve always been interested in the news, but I’ve always been interested in what’s popular. I’ve always had a little bit of a populist take on things. Which I know is interesting when you talk about Donald Trump.
Anything popular is populist, and populist is rarely a good adjective.
Conservatives who decried Trump’s rise (and those who scoffed at his chances of winning a single primary were legion) are the same ‘purist’ boxing snobs who could never grasp the popularity – and populist legitimacy – of wrestling.
I’m anti-big power. I don’t know if that’s populist or not.
Brian Lamb
After the global financial crisis of 2008, populist uprisings had sprouted across Europe. Putin and his strategists sensed the beginnings of a larger uprising that could upend the Continent and make life uncomfortable for his geostrategic competitors.
I don’t see myself as particularly highbrow. I am much more populist.
If we had a populist president who didn’t alienate so many persuadable voters, who took full advantage of a strong economy, and who had the political cunning displayed by Modi or Benjamin Netanyahu or Viktor Orban, the liberal belief in a hidden left-of-center mandate might be exposed as a fond delusion.
In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.