Here, we’ve compiled a list of the best Populist Quotes from famous persons: Mike Cernovich, Ross Douthat, Rick Wilson, Harry Enfield, Barkha Dutt. The wide variety of quotes available makes it possible to find a quote to suit your needs. You’ve likely heard some of the Populist Quotes before, but that’s because they truly are great.
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I’m a nationalist and populist.
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I think Trump had this general populist agenda but has not been particularly adept at using the levers of power in Washington.
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Northeastern conservatism is moderate, accepts the modern welfare state, and dislikes mixing religion with politics. Western conservatism is hawkish, hates government, and embraces individual freedom. Southern conservatism is populist, draws on evangelical Christianity, and plays upon racial resentments.
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I won‘t dispute that bankers‘ privileged treatment in the 2008 crash merits populist scorn. But unfortunately, without a bank bailout, there probably would have been a worldwide depression.
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When it comes to explaining the phenomenon of right-wing populism, liberals are likely to argue both that the populist era has exposed a darkness always present at the heart of conservative politics and that a toxic, post-truth new-media ecosystem has greased the skids for President Trump, Brexit and the rest.
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Koizumi was not rooted in Japan‘s rightwing nationalist tradition: he was a pragmatist and a populist. Abe, in contrast, is a rightwing nationalist. Unlike Koizumi, for example, he has questioned the validity of the postwar Tokyo trials of Japan’s wartime leaders, which found many of them guilty of war crimes.
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Much of the media failed to anticipate the potential Trump represented as a disruptive populist force, understand why his supporters trusted him, or offer honest reporting on the underlying trends that made his rise possible.
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Coming from Buffalo, N.Y., I recognize the distinct difference between inside-the-Beltway conservatives and lake-shore conservatives. It’s populist conservatism.
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I think the rise of progressives is the biggest storyline there is, whether it’s Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or Kara Eastman or Randy Bryce, Richard Ojeda – real populist progressives that are willing to actually fight for the progressive message rather than the lukewarm establishment Democrats.
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As with fascism, the rise of Islamic totalitarianism has partly to do with its populist appeal to the class resentments of an economically oppressed population and to anger at political subordination and humiliation.
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In truth, the ‘populist anger’ fueling Trump’s coalition is fundamentally different from Sanders’ ‘progressive populism.’ The superficial similarities between the two end when they talk about solutions.
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If I had chosen the populist course, it would have been a breach of the trust placed in me by the people.
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The thing is, it’s much easier to be a rightwing populist than a leftwing one, because the left always have to explain why things are the way they are. The right can just blame the foreigners.
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Even some of my Republican friends say I have a populist, progressive streak. I am not a doctrinaire, anti-government person.
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A willingness by politicians to say what they think the public want to hear, and a willingness by large parts of the public to believe what they are told by populist politicians, has led to a deterioration in our public discourse.
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Paralysis in decision-making breeds frustration and contempt from the electorate, and provides the perfect seedbed for demagogues who fill the vacuum with populist simplicities, hatred of opposition and lies.
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Folk music usually has an emphasis on the lyrics and melody. And those lyrics are usually relevant in some way. And it’s populist in scope, which is also true of Bad Religion. So it’s more meant to draw some parallels between the two. And I think even my voice and my delivery can be thought of as a little bit folky.
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Donald Trump harnessed the America First, Make America Great Again, populist, economic nationalist movement we now call Trumpism, but he did not invent it. He just was the only person resilient enough and impervious enough to elite opinion to force through its successful policies in the face of ferocious resistance.
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I like to think that I’m a populist entertainer, but I’m a little bit idiosyncratic, and sometimes the networks wouldn’t really roll with that.
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In the wake of a Trump victory, the Democratic Party is tacking to the left in an attempt to harness the populist message that put Trump in the White House.
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When elections are not democratic, even the most populist discussions become superficial, disconnected from real power; they are theatre.
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Nigel Farage, the leader of the U.K. Independence Party, is a true populist; Senator Bernie Sanders, the former U.S. presidential candidate who campaigned for Hillary Clinton after losing his battle for the Democratic Party’s nomination, is not.
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I’ve always been interested in the news, but I’ve always been interested in what’s popular. I’ve always had a little bit of a populist take on things. Which I know is interesting when you talk about Donald Trump.
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I’m anti-big power. I don’t know if that’s populist or not.
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After the global financial crisis of 2008, populist uprisings had sprouted across Europe. Putin and his strategists sensed the beginnings of a larger uprising that could upend the Continent and make life uncomfortable for his geostrategic competitors.
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I don’t see myself as particularly highbrow. I am much more populist.
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If we had a populist president who didn’t alienate so many persuadable voters, who took full advantage of a strong economy, and who had the political cunning displayed by Modi or Benjamin Netanyahu or Viktor Orban, the liberal belief in a hidden left-of-center mandate might be exposed as a fond delusion.
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In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.
